As tempting as it might be to think otherwise at times, there can be no place for mob justice in a civilised society. Even in societies where the legal system may be found seriously wanting. are deeply flawed. It undermines the rule of law, the foundation value of civilisation, and inevitably leads to miscarriages of justice. It also opens the path to a perpetual cycle of violence.

The mob violence we have witnessed since the August 5 changeover as different groups tried to take advantage of the temporary vacuum in governance can be broadly categorised into three different streams: you have the mob lynchings on a variety of pretexts, in which political affiliation has stood out as a leading cause. Then you have violence against doctors, which have seen an alarming spike. Finally you have the more organised instances of attacks by certain groups against marginalised populations, such as minority religions, and minorities within the majority religion (temples and mazaars).

In one of the latest incidents, a former leader of the Awami League's student front, the Chhatra League's Rajshahi University unit, was brutally lynched in Rajshahi city on September 7, apparently for attacking protesters on August 5 during the mass upsurge.

Abdullah Al Masud, a resident of Budhpara area of Rajshahi city, was severely injured and later handed over to the police station. After being taken to the hospital, he died.

Boalia Model police station Officer-in-Charge (OC) SM Masud Parvez said: "Masud was attacked in connection with allegations of an assault on students and the public on August 5."

He was initially taken to Matihar police station by a group of students. However, as there was no case registered at Matihar police station related to the August 5 incident, Masud was later arrested under a violence case at Boalia police station.

The OC said that Masud was severely injured in the mob attack and, given his condition, was transferred to Rajshahi Medical College Hospital (RMCH) with the help of the army. But he died there. Legal actions will be taken if his family wants.

While Masud was in custody at Boalia police station, he claimed: "I had come to Binodpur to buy medicine. I was targeted because I used to be in the Chhatra League."

Salahuddin Ammar, a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement at RU, was present at Boalia police station when Masud was brought in. Ammar had previously brought two youths to the station in charge of raping and killing a female student on August 5. Ammar noticed Masud being brought in but did not recognize who had brought him in.

Upon hearing of Masud's death, Ammar said: "We were busy with the duo we brought in. In the midst of that, we saw someone being brought in injured, but we could not identify who had brought him. The police should have handled this situation better."

Abdullah Al Masud was a resident of Budhpara in the city. He had recently become a father.

On the day of the attack, he had posted a photo of his newborn baby on Facebook, writing: "Alhamdulillah. All praise is due to Allah the Almighty. On 3-9-2024, I have become the father of a daughter. I pray to Allah the Almighty for a long and healthy life. I ask all relatives, well-wishers, and friends for their prayers for me and my daughter."

Just one week prior to the attack on Masud, on August 31, a student from the Bangladesh University of Business and Technology (BUBT), Ahsanul Haque Dipto, passed away while receiving treatment at Dhaka Medical College Hospital (DMCH). BUBT students alleged that his death was due to medical negligence. Following this, students allegedly entered the hospital's operating theatre (OT) and assaulted attending doctors, injuring three.

In response, doctors staged a protest at the hospital on Saturday night, demanding the arrest of those responsible within 24 hours. They warned of a strike if their demands were not met. The injured doctors included Dr. Imran, Dr. Mashrafi, and Dr. Jubayer, all from the Neurosurgery Department.

Dr. Imran, one of the assaulted doctors, stated, "A BUBT student died while under our care. Without any warning, BUBT students dragged us out of the OT and assaulted us. They even beat us from the Neurosurgery Ward to the director's office. We demand our security be ensured, a conducive working environment be maintained, and that those who attacked us be arrested within 24 hours after reviewing CCTV footage. Otherwise, we will go on strike."

Brigadier General Md. Asaduzzaman, the hospital's director, called the incident "deeply regrettable," assuring doctors of their safety.

"I have spoken with senior army officials, and army personnel will be stationed in the emergency department for the doctors' security. A committee will be formed to investigate the incident, and action will be taken against those responsible after reviewing CCTV footage," he said.

A team of Shahbagh Police Station and Gaibandha District Police arrested one Sanjay Pal Joy, one of the four named accused in a case filed over the incident by DMCH office assistant Amir Hossain, from Gaibandha Sadar upazila. The arrest on September 2 helped avert a larger strike by the doctors.

Meanwhile on September 11, the Buchai Paglar Mazar, a shrine dedicated to a late local spiritual leader, in Batulia area of Dhamrai in Dhaka was vandalised by members of Islamist organisations, madrasah students, imams and others from nearby areas.

The incident took place at around 12pm on the day, according to Dhamrai Upazila Nirbai Officer (UNO) Khan Md Abdulla Al Mamun.

"I learned that such an incident was about to take place at around 11am. Immediately, I informed local community leaders, villagers and the Bangladesh Army to take steps to [prevent it]. I also asked our assistant (land) commissioner to go there to serve as a magistrate," he told The Business Standard.

Members of the Bangladesh Army later brought the situation under control. Members of the Dhamrai Ulama Parishad, Imam Parishad, and Kalampur Regional Imam Parishad were said to have participated in the attack. According to participants in the attack, the mazaar was a site of 'shirk' and 'bidah'. With Shirk a person does not worship Allah alone but worships and asks for help from someone besides Allah. When a person does Bidah he is worshipping Allah alone but in a new way which was not taught by Allah and His Messenger.

However many local residents, including religious leaders of the Batulia area, denied the allegations raised by the attackers.

No new phenomena

Although it is tempting to think that these incidents are a by-product of the movement that brought down the previous government, mob justice is not a new concept in Bangladesh. Available statistics show incidents of mob violence were on the rise even prior to August 5. At least 32 people were killed by mobs in the first six months of this year, compared to 24 in the same period last year. This increase was highlighted in the quarterly report on the human rights situation in the country released by rights watchdog Ain O Salish Kendra.

Of those killed this year, 16 were in Dhaka, seven in Rajshahi, three in Chattogram, two each in Khulna and Mymensingh and one each in Barishal and Sylhet divisions. Rights activists attribute the rise in lynching to the absence of the rule of law, leading to repeated incidents in various parts of the country.

Senior lawyer and ASK chairperson ZI Khan Panna pointed to frustration and lack of accountability over the years as factors contributing to these brutalities. He emphasised that justice must be ensured by establishing the rule of law to reduce or eliminate such incidents.

According to ASK, 51 deaths from mob violence were reported in 2023, compared to 36 deaths in 2022 and 28 in 2021. According to the same organisation, 54 people were killed in mob beatings in 2019, 39 in 2018, 50 in 2017 and 51 in 2016.

Rights activists noted that mob lynching was rising due to a weak criminal justice system, impunity for law enforcement agencies, and lack of public confidence in relevant institutions, leading to an increased tendency for individuals to take the law into their own hands.

In an incident on April 19, two siblings were lynched, and five others were injured in the village of Panjapalli under Madhukhali upazila in Faridpur. Local people, suspecting the victims had torched a makeshift Hindu temple, beat them. The incident began at about 7:30pm on April 18 and continued until 1am.

The deceased Ashraf and Arshad were day labourers, who were declared dead upon arrival at a hospital in the district town. Three cases were filed regarding police assault, murder, and the torching of Hindu temple, according to Imrul Hasan, assistant superintendent of police for Madhukhali circle. Nine people were arrested in connection with the murder case, the ASP said.

In March 2020, the High Court issued four directives to the ruling Awami League government, seeking a total halt to mob beatings and the reasons behind such barbaric acts.

The two-judge bench issued the directives in response to a public interest litigation case filed by Supreme Court lawyer Ishrat Hasan in August 2019 following the brutal mob killing of Taslima Begum, a single mother of a four-year-old daughter, in capital Dhaka.

Begum was accused of being a child kidnapper and beaten to death on July 20, 2019, as she went to Uttar Badda Government Primary School to enquire about its admission process. The murder sent shockwaves across Bangladesh, triggering a public and social media backlash. Begum was one of 54 people killed in mob beatings in 2019, according to Ain-O-Salish Kendra.

The mob lynching spree that year kicked off over fake, superstitious stories on social media spreading absurd rumours that the Padma Bridge, the country's longest bridge that was being built at the time, required human heads as sacrifices for completion. The rumours also alleged that many child kidnappers were lurking across Bangladesh to take children for Padma Bridge sacrifices.

Similarly, a 2023 study reported in Science Direct highlighted the alarming prevalence of workplace violence among healthcare professionals in Bangladesh and identified major risk factors to the occurrence of violence. The cross-sectional study was conducted from May 9, 2022, to April 3, 2023. A total of 3977 healthcare professionals from various healthcare settings participated.

The study revealed that 77.29% of healthcare professionals (n = 3074) reported experiencing WPV. Verbal abuse/threat (28.74%), emotional violence (20.9%), physical violence (17.53%), and sexual harassment (17.85%) were the most prevalent types of violence reported. WPV incidents primarily occurred at patients' bedside (27.31%) and in nursing/doctor stations (24.84%). The night shift had the highest prevalence of violence (35.66%). Patient relatives/friends (43.55%) and visitors (31.38%) were the primary perpetrators. The major factors associated with WPV included lack of organisational policy (11.32%), long waiting (11.16%), medical error (9.71%), and poor patient management systems (9.53%). Consequences of physical WPV included head injuries (23.69%), ocular injuries (27.21%), fractures (14.99%), and unconsciousness (17.05%).

It urged urgent attention from policymakers and healthcare organisations to develop and implement preventive measures targeting the risk factors. Strengthening security systems, establishing workplace violence policies, and providing training programs were some of the measures said to be essential to ensure a safer environment for healthcare workers in the country. It said it is imperative to increase awareness of workplace violence laws and their enforcement to effectively address this pressing issue and safeguard the well-being of healthcare professionals in Bangladesh.

Nor are the attacks on religious establishments, especially temples of the minority communities, new in Bangladesh. From Ramu in 2012 to the raids on temples around Durga Puja in 2021, this is not an unfamiliar occurrence to Bangladeshis. What is common among all these offences is that they thrive in lawless settings. And the spectacular collapse of the government on August 5 presented ideal conditions for their perpetrators to run amok.

An unprecedented vacuum

It is difficult to overstate the unprecedented nature of the changeover on August 5. A regime that had ruled with impunity for over 15 years was overturned. Given the level of politicisation in Bangladesh, it was always a reality in the post-1991 scenario that those in power reaped the benefits to the hilt for five years, while those who were out of power - and this included their entire clans, from families to business associates - suffered. You can imagine how dire the situation became for those out of power under the 15 years of the Awami League.

Although the movement that eventually brought down the government lasted for roughly 5 weeks, the changeover on August 5 could be said to have happened overnight. Certainly no one could quite imagine that the ex-prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, would be airlifted from Ganobhaban, and flee the country, till they saw it happening with their own eyes.

The extent of politicisation in the country's institutions was reflected in how this prompted a virtual hollowing out of these institutions, from the judiciary to the media. The most visible manifestation of this perhaps, was in the police force. Throughout the July movement, allegations surfaced against the police for indiscriminately firing on students demanding quota reforms. Police used heavy weaponry, including Chinese rifles, against protesters in Dhaka and other places, resulting in numerous casualties. A number of these incidents were captured on videos that went viral on social media.

But it wasn't just the July movement. It is common knowledge that recruitment from the Chhatra League was rife in the police force over the last 10 years or more. Senior police officers often boasted that the Awami League's rule was sustained on their shoulders. From persecution of opposition parties to dubious policing during elections, the police came to be seen as a tool of repression for the Awami League government.

As the movement gathered momentum, we saw the people's anger crystallise in the form of attacks on police stations. In one of the most horrific incidents, locals in Enayetpur, Sirajganj, killed 14 policemen on August 4. This was said to have done tremendous damage to police morale, and contributed to their inability to control the crowd marching on Ganobhaban on August 5.

On the day Sheikh Hasina fled, the presence of police in urban areas dwindled, and by the next day, the breakdown of the police system was evident throughout the country. The Bangladesh Police Service Association said that at least 450 out of 639 police stations across the country were 'affected'. At least 44 members of the police were killed across the country in violence before and after the fall of the government. The BPSA announced a strike listing several demands including security at the workplace, prosecution of police killings, and compensation.

This is the situation in which incidents of mob violence skyrocketed. Eventually after a week, the police resumed duties, but they are nowhere near the strength required for effective policing. This means at a time when strong policing is most required to stem the sort of incidents we have been talking about, the police are in no position to provide it. The army is still deployed, but they are not trained for policing.

Yet the fruits of the movement that felled an authoritarian government, and the work of the administration that replaced it, are undoubtedly undermined by the continuation of such incidents. And the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus must figure out a way to rein them in. The chief adviser did touch upon the subject during his address to the nation this week, during which he called on Bangladeshis not to take the law into their own hands.

"None should take the law into their own hands. If anyone creates disorder in society by doing so, we will certainly bring them to justice. We are a nation of communal harmony. None should engage in any act that disrupts religious harmony," he said, in what was widely interpreted as a reference to the incidents of mob attacks and vandalism in various parts of the country.

In the coming weeks, we shall see if anybody is listening.