There is an active debate, even within those who were at the forefront in July-August 2024 and certainly among those who were behind the scenes or tasked with documenting, as to whether what transpired and culminated in those unbelievable scenes of July 36, whether to call it a revolution or whether it was a mass uprising. Some very respected individuals and thinkers, refuse to describe it as a revolution. And in doing so, they point to the fact that the old prevailing system was never uprooted and then ripped apart by the revolutionaries of 2024. Rather there has been a preference for constitutional consistency and continuity, and the advisory council that sits at the top of the executive branch (in lieu of the Cabinet) was sworn in on the existing constitution of the country.

The refusal to grant their movement the status of a revolution must rankle with the young protesters who overwhelmed armed battalions of the state security agencies, all of whom were under instructions to quell the protests with maximum force, as we shall see.

The brutal response to the student-people movement was 'a calculated and well-coordinated strategy' by the former government to retain their grip on power, said Volker Türk, the UN's high commissioner for human rights, while disclosing a fact-finding report on human rights violations and abuses in the July-August uprising on Wednesday (Feb. 12). He also noted that these acts were carried out with the knowledge, coordination and direction of the former political leadership and senior security officials.

Türk had in fact first proposed a fact-finding mission in a letter sent on July 23, to then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina at the height of the crisis but received no positive response to that invitation. On August 14, Dr Yunus, now also Chief Adviser of the Interim Government, requested OHCHR to conduct a fact-finding in a call with the High Commissioner and thereupon extended a formal invitation by letter dated August 28, 2024.

Accordingly, and further to the terms of reference agreed with the Interim Government, the High Commissioner deployed a team of OHCHR staff to Bangladesh to conduct an independent and impartial fact-finding into alleged human rights violations and abuses that occurred in the context of the protests that took place between July and August 2024.

One must particularly give credit to Türk's team for succeeding in figuring out where the evidence and other important items may have been hidden.

To hold the responsible ones accountable, particularly for those staying abroad, such as Hasina herself, Türk at the press conference mentioned that there are accountability avenues at the international level that can be considered, such as universal jurisdiction as well as a referral by Bangladesh of this situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Universal jurisdiction is a specific form of extraterritorial jurisdiction. It is based on the idea that some crimes are so serious that all states have the obligation to prosecute offenders, even if the offender is not a national of that state and even if the crime was committed elsewhere. As per rules, all states should prosecute perpetrators of war crimes in their own courts or hand them over to another state that will prosecute them.

The OHCHR report is based on a comprehensive investigation undertaken by an interdisciplinary team of investigators from the UN human rights office, including a forensic specialist and weapons expert.

Volker Türk said, "Among our key findings: There are reasonable grounds to believe that officials of the former government, its security and intelligence apparatus, together with violent elements associated with the former ruling party, committed serious and systematic human rights violations. These include hundreds of extrajudicial killings, extensive arbitrary arrest and detention, and torture and ill-treatment, including of children, as well as gender-based violence."

He also noted that "These violations were carried out with the knowledge, coordination and direction of the former political leadership and senior security officials, with the specific goal of suppressing the protests and keep the former government's grip on power."

Indeed, Türk's team has been able to uncover some pretty bombshell evidence and testimony, to support their claim of the direct involvement of top political leadership: namely, the then-Home Minister Asaduzaman Khan Kamal and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

From the head

On the evening of July 18, the then Home Affairs Minister chaired a meeting of the "Core Committee," attended by the heads of Police, RAB and BGB and intelligence leaders. At the meeting, the Minister told the BGB Commander, in front of the other senior security sector leaders, to order use of lethal force much more readily, as one of the meeting participants related to OHCHR.

Senior official testimony also indicated that, in a meeting held the next day, the Prime Minister herself told security force officials to kill protesters to quell the protests and specifically demanded to "arrest the ringleaders of the protests, the troublemakers, kill them and hide their bodies."

(Para 117, Human Rights Violations and Abuses related to the Protests of July and August 2024 in Bangladesh, UN OHCHR 2025)

If that isn't damning, I don't know what is. I checked out the footnote, which indicates they have this on record from 4 different officers, whose identities are protected of course. If I was the ICT prosecutor, I would get busy moving the file on the cases against Hasina, and immediately have these officers come by to provide their depositions. Except, that it wouldn't have mattered.

"According to the official report BGB provided to OHCHR, the Home Affairs Minister and, on behalf of the Prime Minister, the Director-General of her Special Security Force and her Military and Security Advisor, provided verbal directives to "use maximum force."

Over the trial of the incidents, the high commissioner said, "Efforts to ensure accountability have begun, with many cases being lodged, including before Bangladesh's domestic International Crimes Tribunal. There are major challenges and deficiencies in the current legal system, and significant steps need to be undertaken to ensure compliance with international standards of due process and fair trial.""

Ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina, who is accused of human rights violations, is now staying in India. Asked about potential avenues to bring her back, Volker Türk noted that the universal jurisdiction mechanism can be used if an offender stays abroad. However, the host country needs to agree to try crimes of severe human rights violations.

Besides, Bangladesh may pursue the ICC in this regard, he added.

Death tolls: Out of whack?

The OHCHR's estimated death toll of 1400 is more than 60% higher than the government's official figure from the Ministry of Health, which clocked it at 876. Their explanation for this is that the MoH data is 'likely incomplete' as medical staff were often overwhelmed by the influx of dead and injured, such that a number of cases were not properly recorded, among other reasons such as patients providing false names to hide their participation in the protests, or police taking away bodies, etc. I was under the impression that the numbers provided later by the government accounted for such factors and made an effort to include those that may have been excluded earlier. When they were being pressured by the previous government, hospitals were providing info on only 200-300 deaths.

Interestingly NSI provided OHCHR with the names and dates of death for 314 people killed during the protests who, according to NSI, were not included in the Ministry of Health data. I fail to understand why the government would refuse to include them in its tally. Also why an intel agency would be working with open source data, and indeed why OHCHR would find them credible in that case.

Be that as it may, to arrive at its estimate, OHCHR compared the Ministry of Health data with detailed lists of reported deaths compiled by other sources (such as the one they got from NSI, and other civil society organisations, who they don't like ASK and Odhikar) and removed duplicates. Based on this data, OHCHR assesses that there could have been as many as 1,400 protest-related deaths.

The tide has turned

The UN fact-finding team report has revealed that human rights violations have continued even under the interim government. It states that since the beginning of August, violent mobs have targeted and killed various individuals, including police officers and Awami League leaders and activists, while also carrying out serious acts of retaliation.

During this time, Hindus, Ahmadiyya Muslims, and members of the Chittagong Hill Tracts communities have also been victims of human rights violations.

Their homes were attacked and burned, and religious establishments, including shrines and temples vandalised. The authorities have failed to take effective measures to prevent these crimes and protect the victims' human rights.

The report, released in Geneva on Wednesday, highlights these issues, stating that Bangladesh has long been caught in a cycle of impunity and retaliation. Many of those responsible for acts of retaliatory violence and the persecution of specific religious and ethnic minorities since early August appear to have enjoyed such impunity.

On October 14 last year, the government announced, "Students and the people, who contributed to the success of the mass uprising, will not face any trial, arrest, or harassment. Most of the violence occurred in self-defence and in response to strong provocations."

However, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights asserts that those responsible for killings, sexual assaults, looting, arson in residential buildings, and ethnic, religious, and gender-based violence must be held accountable.

The report details various incidents since August 5, including the killing of law enforcement officers, attacks and arson at police stations, the beating and killing of Awami League leaders and activists, sexual harassment and rape of women, and the looting and destruction of homes and businesses belonging to Awami League leaders and supporters.

Additionally, it documents attacks on Hindus, Ahmadiyya communities, and small ethnic groups in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, as well as the vandalism and arson of shrines and temples. Media outlets and journalists perceived to be aligned with the Awami League were also targeted.

The report notes that in early August, the previous government gradually lost control, allowing public acts of revenge, killings, and other violence to escalate. Awami League leaders, activists, police, and media figures associated with the party were among the primary targets. Before and after the protests, the Hindu community, Ahmadiyya Muslims, and indigenous groups in the Chittagong Hill Tracts faced violent attacks by mobs.

Some supporters and local leaders of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) were also involved in these attacks, though the report states that these incidents did not appear to be planned or organised by the national leadership of these parties. The leadership of both parties condemned the violence against minority communities.

The report further states that after taking power on August 8, the interim government prioritised restoring law and order. Military personnel, Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), and Ansar-VDP members were temporarily deployed at police stations. After a few days, police operations resumed, although law enforcement activities remained limited.

The government was unable to completely prevent retaliatory attacks and violence. In the first few days of taking office, the chief advisor of the interim government urged the public to refrain from all forms of violence and called on political parties to remain calm. He specifically condemned attacks on minority communities and urged the youth to step forward in protecting Hindus and other vulnerable groups.

The report emphasised that, in accordance with its human rights obligations, the interim government must ensure the safety of individuals at risk of severe persecution.

It must also promptly and impartially investigate attacks on Awami League supporters, police officers, and members of specific religious and ethnic minorities, adhering to due process. However, the requested information regarding measures to hold the interim government accountable in this regard has not been provided.

The government has publicly stated that at least 100 people have been arrested in connection with communal attacks on minorities. However, it is yet to release a comprehensive account of the total number of individuals arrested for retaliatory violence against Awami League supporters or police officers.

The report also noted that the interim government has initiated efforts to bring to justice those responsible for serious human rights violations committed during the previous administration. Cases have been filed against senior officials in both regular courts and the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT).

However, these efforts are being hindered by longstanding structural weaknesses within law enforcement agencies and the judiciary. The report also highlights allegations of police misconduct, including claims that officers have been ineffective in handling mass cases.

According to police data, as many as 98,137 individuals have been charged in 1,181 cases. Among them, 25,033 are political leaders - an average of 21 political leaders per case - while a total of 84 individuals have been accused.

The large-scale nature of these cases suggests that many people who were not directly involved in any crimes have either been arrested or remain under investigation.

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has emphasised the need for due process and fairness in prosecuting those responsible for serious violence. It stressed that trials must be impartial and based on credible evidence, without being influenced by the political identity of the accused or any external pressure.

The report urged the interim government to conduct prompt and independent investigations into crimes committed against Awami League leaders and activists, police officers, and religious and ethnic minorities.

It called for the prosecution of identified perpetrators and emphasised the need for a coordinated effort to establish accountability. Breaking the cycle of impunity and retaliation is crucial for long-term stability and justice.

Healing is a process

OHCHR has urged Bangladesh to undertake urgent and sweeping reforms to address human rights violations during the movement in July and August last year.

An OHCHR fact-finding mission documented serious abuses, including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, torture, and mass arrests, in response to the 2024 quota reform and subsequent anti-government protests.

In a comprehensive set of recommendations in its final report, the mission called on the government to ensure justice for victims, hold perpetrators accountable, and overhaul its security and judicial institutions to prevent future human rights violations.

The OHCHR recommended that the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) be disbanded and personnel not involved in serious violations be returned to their home units. It suggested confining the functions of the Border Guards Bangladesh (BGB) to border control issues and the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) to military intelligence and limiting and delineating their resources and legal powers accordingly.

Besides, it recommended demilitarising control over the Ansar/VDP to the extent that they assume law enforcement support tasks.

Overhauling the police

The OHCHR urged the government to issue binding directives prohibiting the use of firearms loaded with metal shot or other lethal ammunition to disperse crowds and permit their use only where necessary to protect against an imminent threat of death or serious injury.

It suggested not equipping police and other security forces with metal shot ammunition for shotguns as a tool of public order management and limiting the issuance of armour-piercing ammunition to military and paramilitary forces.

It also suggested that the authorities issue and enforce binding orders to the police to cease practices of mass charges and mass arrests, in particular where based on unsubstantiated and overly broad suspect lists.

In respect to treatment at custodies, the authorities have been urged to issue and enforce binding orders to ensure full implementation of the Torture and Custodial Death (Prohibition) Act, establish an independent torture prevention and detention monitoring programme and consider acceding to the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture.

Other suggestions include reforming police investigation techniques, adjusting rules with international human rights standards, adopting a fair transparent and merit-based police recruitment, promotions, transfer and removal process, and reforming the accountability and justice mechanisms for abuses by state forces.

Truth and Reconciliation

The UN human rights office urged authorities to ensure fair, impartial, and comprehensive investigations into extrajudicial killings, torture, enforced disappearances, and sexual and gender-based violence, including past cases and those linked to revenge attacks.

It emphasised the need for accountability, even for individuals in command positions, and called for effective remedies and reparations for victims. Authorities must urgently preserve evidence, prevent its destruction, and implement disciplinary and criminal measures against those seeking to destroy or hide evidence and attempting to obstruct justice.

The OHCHR stressed the importance of protecting victims and witnesses, calling for an independent protection programme separate from existing security forces. It also recommended issuing binding directives to authorise investigations and prosecutions of public officials while reforming laws to ensure crimes involving serious human rights violations are tried in civilian courts, even if committed by military personnel.

It called to suspend officials facing credible allegations of serious human rights violations, including at the command and leadership level, pending completion of full, independent, and impartial investigation and, as appropriate, prosecution.

The OHCHR has called for a nationwide dialogue to develop a transitional justice model that ensures accountability for serious human rights violations while promoting social cohesion and national healing. It also urged the mobilization of resources for a victim-centered reparation process to provide compensation, medical treatment, and other support transparently.

The OHCHR recommended establishing an independent public prosecution service with professional, full-time personnel free from political bias or interference. It also stressed the need to protect the judiciary's independence as well as impartiality by ensuring judges are appointed, disciplined, and removed through an impartial mechanism, while safeguarding them from political influence and intimidation.

It called for necessary funding and staffing in the justice sector to strengthen oversight of law enforcement operations, including arrests, searches, and surveillance, while ensuring institutional protection from political interference.