The submission of the reports by four of the most important commissions for state reform that were appointed by the interim government led by Dr Muhammad Yunus, that took charge in the wake of the July Uprising, represents a significant moment in the journey towards a democratic transition for the country.

We know that the steep price that was paid in blood in order to get to where we are today, means that the interim government that was effectively appointed by the students who led the movement, cannot satisfy itself with merely steering the country towards a new election. The general state of discontent and public anger that led to the Uprising dictated that the cornerstone of their 'mandate', such that it had one from the students if no one else, be some level of reform to state institutions and processes. At least just enough to make sure we're not immediately back to square one, the moment we hand back the reins to a political government. The interim government has been speaking about bringing reforms in various sectors from the very beginning.

As part of the process to deliver the reforms, as many as 11 different reform commissions were constituted, in two phases. Of them, the electoral system reform commission, police administration reform commission, judiciary reform commission, Anti-Corruption Commission reform commission, public administration reform commission and the constitution reform commission were formed in the first week of October last year, i.e within two months of being sworn in.

Of those first 6, most important commissions, each headed by respected and renowned experts in their field, the government has subsequently been forced to extend the deadline to submit their reports for the judiciary reform commission and public administration reform commission. These are large, indeed bloated, complex and almost labyrinthine public institutions that have come unstuck through years and years of diluting their original necessity and purpose, and we believe the extensions were granted on acceptable grounds. At the same time, what we have witnessed in recent weeks in terms of active resistance to reforms in the public administration, can serve to remind us of how implementing the reforms, a task expected to extend beyond the shelf life of the interim government, will be no bed of roses.

Be that as it may. The important thing to note this week, is that the remaining four - the Electoral Reform Commission, the Police Reform Commission, the Constitutional Reform Commission, and the Anti-Corruption Commission Reform Commission - submitted their reports to the chief adviser this week. The government has already said it will discuss with the political parties upon receiving reports of the reform commissions. That process is likely to commence later this month, or in early February.

The proposals on which consensus can be reached through these stakeholder consultations, will be chosen for implementation. A general outline of when and how the proposals will be implemented is also likely to be fixed through these discussions with the political parties. With the Awami League still absent from the scene, the BNP may be expected to dominate the process moving forward, and some tensions may emerge around a faultline between the government's reform agenda, and the BNP's desire for early elections. As it plays out, both would do well to temper their own expectations, in favour of a keen sense of the public's sentiments.