Introduction

A politician is defined as one who is actively involved in politics and plays a central role in ensuring people's well-being. A good politician is one who represents the focused efforts of all people to improve their respective localities. A noble and trustworthy politician is delighted to serve the people and considers himself as a servant to the people's plights. He nurtures the hopes, aspirations and the interests of every person of the locale.

Abdur Rob alias Boga Mia was such kind of politician and had every components of above features. He was a Freedom Fighter, Liberation War organiser, socio-political and cultural activist, businessman and former president of Pabna Zila Awami League during the pre-Liberation War period. He is regarded as one of the most influential figures in Pabna during the Liberation War of Bangladesh in 1971, owing to his leadership and organising capability. He united the various political and civil forces that supported Bangladesh's independence in 1971. He was involved in various social and political activities.

First and foremost, the best quality of Boga Mia is his honesty and love for the people without any worldly interest, and completely free from any urge to show off power, corruption and unlawful activities.

Boga Mia was an MP (Member of Parliament) and a very close associate of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. It has been learnt that Bangabandhu visited Pabna 17 to 20 times during his lifetime. Most of the times, he received the hospitality of Boga Mia's family. Bangabandhu rested, took foods and met leaders of different sections at the house. It has been mentioned that when Boga Mia died on February 25 in 1973 in a tragic car accident during an election campaign, Bangabandhu went to Pabna to condole the grieving family. Bangabandhu felt saddened and overwhelmed with shock. The next day when Bangabandhu addressed a public meeting, he started his speech with the words - I lost my friend.

As a faithful and effective politician, he was relied upon by senior leaders. In his lifetime, Boga Mia fought to strengthen truth, displayed sincerity and openness. He truly practiced what he preached among the people. He took decisions and accepted responsibilities for his actions and his words. He made promises and kept those promises. Loving people with all his heart, might, mind and soul he strived to help whomever he found in need, leaving a glaring mark of responsible politician.

Boga Mia was the first to hoist the flag of independent Bangladesh in Pabna district in 1971. He played an active role in the Bengali Nationalist Movement in the 1960s and was also a Freedom Fighter during 1971. He was a secular, soft-spoken and true patriot by nature.

Boga Mia died in a car accident while campaigning for the 1973 general elections. The sudden death of Boga Mia virtually left Pabna at a loss during a time of grave internal hostilities. Amjad Hossain and Aminuddin had already tasted martyrdom at the hands of Pakistani forces. At that time the only notable leader from Pabna, Captain M Mansur Ali was away; busy with his government tasks in Dhaka. A few years later he too fell in the jail killings.

Family background

Boga Mia was born on November 10 in 1916 - the day when Carmichael College (Rangpur) was established. His parents were Sabkatuddin Ahmed and Mohitun Nessa from Shibrampur, Pabna.

Sabkatuddin Ahmed was a divisional school inspector and an invited guest at the inaugural ceremony of the Carmichael College. Being a very brilliant student, Sabkatuddin Ahmed passed BA and BT Degree from Calcutta University. During his chequered career, Sabkatuddin was posted to different places in India and East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) including Bardhaman, Bankura (Kolkata), Rangpur, Pabna, Chowmuhani, Noakhali as well as Dhaka in 1936 and Park Circus (Kolkata), 66 Lower Range in 1966.

Sabkatuddin was very close to the intellectual circle of Calcutta (now Kolkata). Two seasoned literary figures-MA Hakim and Muhammad Mansuruddin (Director of Public Instruction) were colleagues of Sabkatuddin during his service life. Mansuruddin was a Bengali author, literary critic, essayist and biographer. He was a master of folklore and is famous for anthologising age-old folk songs in a mammoth thirteen-volume collection. In recognition of his lifelong contributions to folklore collection and research, the Rabindra Bharati University awarded him DLitt degree in 1987.

Mansuruddin Ahmed used to call Sabkatuddin a saint. Though Sabkatuddin was a school inspector, he never received any kind of hospitality from the school authority whenever he visited a school. He used to bring his cook with him for preparing his food. Nobody could manipulate him as he was very honest, impartial and sincere to his duty. Sabkatuddin had a great thirst for knowledge and he was a studious person. At one stage of his career, Sabkatuddin translated Bertrand Russell's "Why I Am Not a Christian" into Bangla. The book wore the same look as Russell's original work. The cover was bluish. It was a collection of essays based on a talk given by Russell in 1927.

Borat Village near Kashinathpur of Pabna district was the ancestral home of Sabkatuddin. He lived with his family in Park Circus, Kolkata, and owned huge assets there. He died in 1946, and was laid to eternal rest at Gobra-1 Graveyard in Kolkata.

Kolkata life

Like his father, Boga Mia also studied in Kolkata, and once worked for India's Tata Group. Due to his father's influential background, Boga Mia got opportunities to live a comfortable life in Kolkata and mingled with great personalities in the city. As a simple, humble and mild-spoken person, Boga Mia became very close to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. After developing the friendship, he remoulded himself into a dedicated organiser from an activist of Awami League.

The house in Kolkata was sold and Boga Mia used majority of the proceeds for the political activities of Pabna Awami League. He remained a general secretary of the district committee for a long time. Boga Mia's wife Jahanara Rob was also a politician and became a lawmaker in independent Bangladesh. The couple had a son and five daughters.

Joining politics

A good and responsible politician always gives high regard for morality. Boga Mia's greatest strength was in deriving joy from serving people. He knew that a fulfilling and meaningful life can only be created through service to others. As he was an efficient politician, his followers had a great trust on him. Politics was rooted in Boga Mia's umbilical cord, and he was always thinking about the common people and their destinies. The Abdur Rob Boga Mia road from Pabna to Pakshi bears testimony to his contributions for general mass.

During the early years in his political life, Boga Mia was a young leader and he met Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy in 1933. Suhrawardy liked him and gave him a father's love. This was possible because Boga Mia had organising power and capability to become a great leader. From the tender age, he could easily mingle with the people from all sections of the society.

Boga Mia returned to Pabna during the Partition of Bengal in 1947. He had a good amount of cash, which he got from selling his father's house in Kolkata. After returning to the country, he had spent a large amount of money for politics and the rest of the money he used for business. Boga Mia owned the local dealership of Caltex (Caltex is a petroleum brand of Chevron Corporation operating in 29 countries in the Asia-Pacific region), and ESSO.

Since the formation of Awami League in 1949 till 1971, Boga Mia was intricately involved with Pabna Awami League. His distinctive qualities were integrity and technical skills to handle any challenging assignments, policies, plans, ideas and initiate solutions to problems. Integrity is consistency of actions, methods, measures, values, principles, expectations and outcomes. It is doing what is right, both legally and morally all the time even when no one is looking.

As a Freedom Fighter, Liberation War organiser and politician of Awami League, Boga Mia's immense contributions to Liberation War will be remembered by the people of Pabna. After getting directions from Bangabandhu on March 7, the Awami League leaders went to all the 18 thanas of Pabna in order to motivate people to participate actively in the resistance movement. The leaders told them that it would be a long war, and that they would have to take up arms in the nationwide fight against the Pakistani oppressors.

Marriage

Boga Mia's wife Begum Jahanara Rob was a Member of Parliament from Pabna and Bogura from 1973 to 1975 (until Bangabandhu and his family killed). She was involved in various social and political activities. After the Liberation of Bangladesh, she became the Chairman of the Nari Punorbashon Shangstha, Pabna.

When Ziaur Rahman came to power, the government confiscated the house in Gulshan which Bangabandhu gave Jahanara Rob after her husband had died. After a few days, the government of Ziaur Rahman offered her a position in BNP and promised to give her back the house. But Jahanara bluntly refused it. During that time, some of her party colleagues joined BNP and assumed ministerships.

Begum Jahanara Rob was an inspiring, polished and elegant woman. She did plenty of relief work in different periods. After the partition of 1947, a series of riots broke out in Pabna. During that time, minority families (especially Hindus) took shelter in their house. She always took extra care of them. Also when she lived in Kolkata, she extended her helping hands for the deprived community.

Jahanara Rob liked listening to music, especially Tagore songs. She was always open to learning new things. She was always well-dressed, soft-spoken and jovial. She liked to wear sharee and used to look elegant due to her dress selection and sense of makeup. She always kept to her principles and was always focused. She was very open-minded and had a power to accept and grasp many things at the same time. She had a keen curiosity and was sensitive about her self-image.

Jahanara Rob visited many countries and spent a big period in Kolkata during the Liberation War and undivided India. In the countries she travelled to, she enjoyed visiting art galleries and museums, among other places, in order to get familiar with the art and the art movement of those countries. In the process, she met many celebrated artists, art historians and art enthusiasts.

Jahanara Rob had an enormous power to mingle with other cultures, foods and liked to meet people from different countries to know about novel rituals and customs. She nicely blended herself with time and surroundings.

She passed away on September 29 in 2014.

Sports

Boga Mia was a real sports buff. From his childhood he was a devoted sportsman in his locale. It is known that once he played football for Kolkata Mohammedan. During his lifetime, he took many development initiatives for sports in Pabna. He was an earnest tennis player in the 1960s and 1970s. He used to collect branded tennis rackets and balls and enjoyed distributing them among his friends. During that time, it was rarely found that a diehard politician would spend enough time practising tennis. He was the president of the District Sports Association of East Pakistan. After the Liberation War, he was a member of the executive committee of the National Sports Association. He was also a member of Awami League Central Committee.

The Language Movement and beginning of Boga Mia's political life

During the 1950s, the country had only one two student unions "Chhatra League" (Students' League) formerly known as the East Pakistan Students' League and Students' Union. However, as a student front of a national political party, Chhatra League was the only political organisation for students.

Chhatra League was founded by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on January 4 in 1948. Around that time, senior politicians of Pabna formed the district branch of Chhatra League. Altaf Hossain was president and Shamsudohha had been selected as secretary by the senior and dedicated politicians-Abdur Rob Boga Mia, Captain M Mansur Ali, Aminuddin, Amjad Hossain among others. Mentionable that the country was passing a difficult time then. The formation of the students' body turned out to be a crucial step in Pabna's socio-politics as people from different sections of the society relied on it.

The tensions had roots in the Language Movement that was rapidly becoming a conflicting issue between Bengali politicians and Pakistani leaders. Pakistan government wanted Urdu -native language of a minority elite at that time - to be the sole national language of all of Pakistan, while Bengali leaders wanted Bangla also as a national language alongside Urdu. Bangla was also spoken by the majority in East Pakistan at that time, leaders had contended.

With Pakistani leaders showing no sign of let-up, mass protests started, which in turn led to crackdown. Government saw things going out of control, and when language activists organised big demonstrations on February 21, 1952, they imposed section 144 barring all public rallies.

But the students of the University of Dhaka and many political activists defied the law and followed through on their commitments. That unfortunate day turned the politics upside down in East Pakistan. Police opened fire on student demonstrators killing Salam, Rafiq, Barkat, Jabbar. Many more fell dedicating their lives for the Language Movement. Consequently, the whole country became violent and fierce.

The common Bengali people became very determined to establish their mother language as a national language alongside Urdu, as well as, secure fundamental rights. They developed a united front against Muslim League.

Political scenario of Pabna

At the beginning of the 1953, Noorul Amin, Mohammad Ali (Prime Minister), Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan, Raja Ghazanfar Ali and others came to Pabna. For that reason, the political situation of Pabna became unstable and uncontrollable. The venue of the meeting was present-day Pabna Stadium. The Chhatra League strongly protested against the meeting and vandalised the venue of the meeting - Jinnah Park in Pabna. Consequently, the leaders and supporters of Muslim league became very upset and at the same time very arrogant. They brutally beat Shamsudohha, secretary of Chhatra League in Pabna. In response, the agitated people attacked Dr Mofazzal Ali's house (Mofazzal Ali was the secretary of Muslim League in Pabna District). Eighty people were arrested by the government, in this connection. However, seeing agitations and processions of common people getting even worse, Pakistani Government released them after a few days.

In 1953, Majloom Jononeta Maulana Bhashani and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman visited Pabna and met the local leaders of Awami League. The central leaders directed their local associates to unite people from different sections of the district, and cautioned them about activities of the Muslim League leaders. The continuing misrule and abuse of power by Muslim League, at that time coupled with sudden rise in commodity prices and made people tremendously motivated to protest against the party.

While tensions were brewing, in 1953, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy also came to Pabna and delivered a speech at Townhall Maydan in the town.

It is mentionable, that due to rising discontent among the Bangalees against Muslim League since the formation of Pakistan, the party lost Tangail in an election. The anti-government alliance candidate and Awami League leader Shamsul Haq was elected through huge votes, before the government cancelled a number of elections.

However, finally, the provincial general election was declared to be held in 1954. Sher-e-Bangla AK Fazlul Huq, Mazlum Jananeta Maulana Bhashani and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy formed Oitihasik Juktofront (the historic United Front coalition). The front ultimately turned victorious, and the people's joy knew no bounds.

Neglected and underprivileged people joined forces against Muslim League and the common people started to dream of a free, liberal and society-free from oppression. In the meantime, the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League had been working in full swing.

Shunning lure of power ahead of the 1954 election

In 1953, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ataur Rahman Khan visited Pabna. At the proposal of Abdur Rob Boga Mia, Captain M Mansur Ali - who was three years junior to Boga ¬Mia - had been selected president of the Pabna Zilla Awami League. Boga Mia was selected the general secretary of the committee. Boga Mia, out of his own earnestness and respect for Mansur Ali, had laid the front open for him.

That day, Bangabandhu and others wanted to make him president, but Boga Mia was firmly determined about his resolution. So, nobody could fluctuate him from his grit.

All in all, Boga Mia's immense contributions, dedications, morality and decency made him an exemplary person in our national politics. It needs without saying that his donation of a huge portion of ancestral assets in Kolkata for Pabna Awami League, only adds to his record of benevolence.

Another example of his dedication became evident during the 1954 election, when Juktofront announced him candidate of Sujanagar-Bera Upazila. However, a senior politician Mawlana Roisuddin had requested Boga Mia to leave the seat for him. Roisuddin pleaded that as an aged man his last wish was to become a member of parliament. Afterwards, Boga Mia brought him to Dacca (now Dhaka) and made him a candidate of Juktofront, by leaving his own seat.

Due to this noble feat, young Awami League activist and advocate Amjad Hossain revered Boga Mia as a man with a "huge heart." In his Liberation War memoir "Bisrita Prai", Amjad also referred to Boga Mia as a figure who made his own place with decent character.

Boga Mia personally contacted Huseyn Shaheen Suhrawardy to erase his name from the list of nominated candidates. It is noted that Boga Mia did this with a smiling face. It is to be noted that Roisuddin

The elections in East Pakistan were held in March. The contesting parties were the ruling Muslim League and a five-party alliance called United Front. The front included the Awami Muslim League led by Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, the Krishak Sramik Party led by AK Fazlul Huq, Nezam-e-Islam led by Maulana Atahar Ali, Ganatantri Dal led by Haji Mohammad Danesh and Khilafat-e-Rabbani Party.

In the elections, 1285 candidates contested for 304 seats with 5 seats won uncontested. In the 228 seats 986 candidates were Muslim, while 101 Hindu candidates were for 30 seats, and 151 scheduled caste candidates for 36 seats. The seats for the non-Muslims were contested by candidates mainly from the Pakistan National Congress, United Progressive Party and the Scheduled Caste Federation. The total number of electors was 1, 97, 48, 568 among whom 73, 44, 216 cast their votes. The lower turnout was attributed to poor communications in rural areas and the reluctance among conservative Muslim women to venture out.

The United Front secured a landslide election victory booking 228 seats in a House of 309 (including nine reserved seats for women). On the other hand, the Muslim League - the party in power directly or indirectly ever since 1937 - managed only seven seats.

Of the total 228 elected Front members - 143 were from Awami Muslim League, 48 from Krishak Sramaik Party, 22 from Nezam-e-Islam, 13 from Ganatantri Dal and two from Khilafat-e-Rabbani Party. Of the non-Muslim seats - Congress won 25, Scheduled Caste Federation 27, and the United Front of the Minorities 13.

The United Front campaigned with a 21-point manifesto that demanded recognition of Bangla as one of the state languages, abolition of Zamindari system, nationalising jute trade, introduction of cooperative farming, rehabilitating refugees, reforming the education system, rationalising pay scales, eradication of corruption, separating judiciary from the executive section of government, erection of a monument in memory of language martyrs, converting Burdwan House into a Bangla language development institute, declaring February 21 as Shaheed Day and a public holiday, and establishment of full provincial autonomy.

These popular demands were put up by leaders like AK Fazlul Huq, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, Maulana Bhasani and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. With the support of left-leaning political workers, the United Front leaders could operate with considerable ease at the grassroots level. The alliance wanted to address issues like proper recognition of inhumane killing of students on February 21, 1952, and ever rising prices of essential goods - particularly salt and rice.

The United Front's victory proved illusory long before the euphoria wore out. On March 25, East Pakistan Governor Choudhury Khaliquzzaman asked Krishak Sramik Party leader AK Fazlul Huq to form the cabinet. But in the cabinet formed on April 3 the Awami Muslim League was left out. This created a crisis in the Front, and Fazlul Huq was obliged to expand his cabinet on May 15 to include Abul Mansur Ahmed, Ataur Rahman Khan, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Abdus Salam Khan and Hashimuddin.

On the same day a serious riot between the Bangalee and non-Bangalee workers of the Adamjee Jute Mills at Narayanganj caused the death of nearly 1,500 workers. The communist activists were held responsible for the tragedy, and the Fazlul Huq government was blamed for its failure in controlling the situation. On May 30, the cabinet was dismissed and direct governor's rule was imposed. Around 1,600 Front leaders and workers, including 30 members of the legislature, were put behind bars. The Awami League, however, returned to power on its own on August 30, 1956 with Ataur Rahman Khan as chief minister, but only to resign a few months later.

The Bhutta Movement

Boga Mia also involved himself with the Bhutta Andolon (maize movement) - one of the major movements in Pabna against the Pakistan Government before the Liberation War. His immense contributions to the movement made him one of the leading heroes in the district. The movement was also the first incident of gunfight between mass people, and the Pakistani police and their supporters in the district before Liberation War.

The Bhutta Movement was not an organised protest but the people had spontaneously joined it. Behind the movement, there is a sad story. The Pakistan government supplied maize for the people of the district in response to a food crisis across the East Pakistan (Now Bangladesh).

The people became sick within hours of getting their due share on March 15, and 17 were hospitalised in the night. Of the victims, day labourers Abdul Gofur Haru and his wife from village Ramchandrapur died the next day.

Outraged at the deaths, people from different areas rushed to the district administration headquarters to stage demonstrations. People from all walks of lives and different political parties joined the movement. The protest was organised by Abdur Rob Boga Mia (MPA), Amzad Hossain (MNA) and Aminul Islam Badsha. Police opened fire on the mob wounding over 50 people. Impatient people then looted arms shops in the district administration headquarters to defend against attacks from police personnel.

A series of gunfights erupted throughout the day between the mass people and law enforcers, which turned the district headquarters into a battlefield. They attacked the deputy commissioner's vehicle and set fire to the residence of the MNA. Over a hundred people were injured during the clashes and many were detained.

Start of Liberation War

In 1962, Amjad Hossain, president of Pabna Zilla Awami League, was elected as Member of National Assembly of Pakistan. Abdur Rob Boga Mia was his key-backer, as well as, chief election manager and planner. Afterwards, Boga Mia was elected as a MPA (Member of the Provincial Assembly) in 1970 in the East Pakistan legislature, known as the East Bengal Legislative Assembly. This was the first election for Boga Mia. Three months later, the Liberation War started.

Civilian cooperation with the Pakistani regime sustained the final blow on March 1, 1971 when junta leader Yahya Khan called off power handover talks with Bangabandhu, the then elected leader of the whole of Pakistan, without reaching any agreement.

Sheikh Mujib-led Awami League had clinched landslide victories in both the provincial and national assembly elections in December 1970. However, after March 1 next year, it became evident that people's mandate would never be allowed to materialise.

Before snubbing the election results, Yahya Khan had also received counsel from Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the biggest West Pakistani leader, according to the 1970 elections. Bhutto had managed to secure 81 seats but facing fierce competition from Islamist parties he failed to secure a majority even at his homeland - the West Pakistan.

Awami League too did not get a single seat in the West but its mammoth 160-seat win in East Pakistan was enough to wrestle an undisputed majority for both parts of Pakistan.

But West Pakistani establishment could not find comfort in taking direction from a Bangalee party. Yahya planned a power sharing between Sheikh Mujib and Bhutto and started dragging his heels.

People in East Pakistan saw through the Pak design and became restless. Mass movements spread across districts. After March 1, some West Pakistani elected leaders too joined ranks with Bangabandhu to protest against the Yahya-Bhutto nexus.

It is worth noting that during the final days of March, Pabna Awami League leader Aminuddin predicted murder of senior leaders including him while addressing a mass rally. In just a couple of days his words became true. Many leaders managed to escape Pak onslaught, but he fell after getting caught on March 26.

The grave genocide that resulted in the martyrdom of three million, and assault on two hundred thousand women, was a deciding point for the country to witness Boga Mia's leadership qualities. His being a local lawmaker and an influential leader, Boga Mia was the one District Commissioner Noorul Quader relied on to organise the youth in the district.

Noorul Quader was the first to alert Boga Mia about the impending dangers from Pakistani rulers. It was natural for Boga Mia to feel taken aback, when he heard of the possible barbarism his senior administrators from West Pakistan were about to inflict on common people.

However, through his outreach across the North Bengal, Boga Mia became assured of Noorul Quader's warning. Boga Mia also took part in an emergency meeting in Dhaka with other senior Awami League leaders to assess the situation. There was little doubt in everybody's mind that something huge was lurking around the corner.

He consequently played the leading role in motivating and rallying the students and young people of Pabna for the cause of ultimate liberation.

Thus, the revolution committee of Pabna was formed with five members -national assembly member Amjad Hossain, provincial assembly members Boga Mia and Aminudin, Aminul Islam Badsha and Prasad Rai. The office was located at the south hostel of technical school. On the night of March 25, Aminuddin broke the news - the Pakis had finally cracked down on Dhaka.

Pabna's first battle

On March 24 student leader Amjad Hossain went to residence of Boga Mia to respond to his call. During that visit from Amjad, Boga Mia received the news of tensions at Chattogram jetties over sudden unloading of arms shipment. Locals there had blocked unloading activities. The leaders at Boga Mia's house sensed some mischief was afoot.

The first resistance against the occupying troops in Pabna in March-April 1971 is one of many stories that make the glorious Liberation War. Pabna's peasantry, including women and children, beat back the trained troops in two days of fighting that left over two hundred dead.

Pabna's self-motivated mass deserve distinct honour for launching attack on incoming Pakistani troops. Initially it seemed as if they were readying for battle largely on their own, as leaders were not in a position to arouse a majority among them at that time.

The residents of Pabna had prepared to fight against the Pakistan army just after Bangabandhu's announcement on March 7 according to the local freedom fighters. While people became alert, students started training at schools and colleges. Seeing their indomitable spirit and their insatiable thirst to fight back, the incumbent District Commissioner at the time, Noorul Kader Khan, and local Awami League leaders organised the people and provided them access to the weapons depot of the Pabna police line.

The situation of Pabna was different compared to other districts in the country. There was no cantonment in Pabna. The Pakistan army came to the town from Rajshahi and set up camps in the industrial area. Then they declared curfew and arrested people indiscriminately.

Notably, the most significant feature of Pabna was deep coordination among all groups of people - Muhammad Noorul Quader, district commissioner of Pabna; the leaders of District Awami League including Abdur Rob Boga Mia, Amjad Hossain; communist leaders including Prashad Roy, Ronesh Maitra and NAP leaders including Aminul Islam Badshah all became united under a single ideological platform. Thus, when the army entered the office of the district commissioner early on March 26, both the local leaders and general people were ready to retaliate.

The retaliating mass was so big that the provided weapons were not enough to arm everyone. Even women had taken to the streets with household items including machetes and knives. The people could not get enough mechanised weapons. All they had were koch (a fishing tool), boti (kitchen knives), sticks, spears, a very small number of guns and locally made weapons. There were small scale fights with the Pakistan army all around Pabna. The EPR force had also enlisted for the cause.

Then came the big battle in front of the Pabna Telephone Exchange Camp. The fight that determined the initial course of the war started on March 27 and ended on March 28.

The two days of the bloody battle claimed the lives of 28 to 30 Pakistani soldiers. On March 29, in a desperate move, the Pakistan force administered an air attack to save the rest of their troops. About 200 soldiers were left behind in Pabna with their fates sealed at the BSCIC Camp. Around five to six people were martyred during the air strike.

Veteran leader Aminuddin was found martyred on March 29 with motor trader Sayeed Talukder and Dr Dakkhi, while librarian Abdul Khaleq was left in critical condition by Pak military before they fled the first wave of battles with Bangalee locals.

Two jets came to airlift surrounded Pakistani soldiers from circuit house, BSCIC and court areas. Not all could be accommodated, however, and the remaining tried to leave their embattled sanctuaries chancing upon the sudden chaos - only to be hunted down and killed soon afterwards.

After the air strike had ended, the Pak troops had thought it safe to retreat from Pabna using the Pabna-Ishwardi road. Agitated general people tracked them down during noon in Dashuria and Gopalpur in Ishwardi Upazila. A bloody battle broke out between the local people of Pabna and the Pakistani soldiers that lasted up to midnight. There were no prisoners and no one was spared, and Pabna was freed temporarily.

The common people and the political leaders together attacked the places where the military were staying. That is why from March 30 till April 10 there was no Pakistan army in Pabna.

The victory was short lived as the reinforcement took hold of Pabna on April 10, but it became a hallmark for inspiring people in the struggle against Pakistan. The people of Pabna had paid with their lives, but they stood strong - until the town was recaptured.

When all hopes seemed to fade, July 14 brought a new dawn to these heroic people. Other freedom fighters from around the area had come to join their battles and liberate them from the curse of the Pakistani military. They were finally freed on December 18, 1971.

Initiating reorganisation process

Boga Mia started planning for the war at the earliest. He, District Commissioner Noorul Quader and Deputy Magistrate Mizanur Rahman were among the few who planned a co-ordinated warfare. While planning the groundwork, they used to shift locations almost on a daily basis to avoid any suspicion. At one point they faced an unruly situation where "irregular village troops" had come to corner them.

Many of the general Bangalees of the time naturally suspected Bangalee government officials as West Pakistan's henchmen. Their views about officials like Noorul Quader, Mizanur Rahman were no different and Boga Mia, despite being intimate with the people, could not avoid suspicion as he was found in the same league - the time was shrouded in suspense anyway.

Tipu Biswas, one of the leading peasant leaders against military occupation, was the one who caught the trio. Lights of the temporary war-room were turned off and Tipu's village troops laid siege. He asked for access to government armoury, threatening any bureaucrat would not impede his efforts. Noorul Quader obviously felt compelled to give Tipu the whereabouts of arms without much arguments but he could not recognise the valiant soldier despite being a local official.

It was Boga Mia who had managed to recognise Tipu, even though he spoke from the dark. Furthermore, it was Boga Mia's presence that likely persuaded Tipu to take Noorul Quader's words at face value, and leave the room without causing more hassle.

It needs to be noted that Tipu was known for not compromising on security procedures. Boga Mia's presence on that day could have certainly been instrumental in avoiding unwarranted chaos between two groups of people fighting for the same cause.

After the army crackdown in Dhaka in the night of March 25, Pabna's first meeting of mainstream leaders was held on March 26. Boga Mia, Amjad Hossain, Aminuddin attended the discussion on behalf of Awami League. News of Operation Searchlight had only started to filter in through indistinct sources.

Everything was opaque. Pabna's leaders still had not grasped the magnitude of Pakistani atrocities and the only recommendation they agreed on was - be alert.

Parting with family

Boga Mia tended what he must have thought the final greetings with his family on March 26. He left home with other Awami League leaders for the magnanimous task of organising and starting the Liberation War. Those were uncertain times and he could not possibly think of reuniting with his family well into the future. Though he might had returned home sometimes shortly afterwards for operational purposes, he probably could not afford to keep any contact with the family members.

March 26 could have been the last time he could see his beloved and their children during the next nine months of sorrows and bloodbath. But destiny brought him at least two more chances. The next one was in starkly contrastive setting in the enemy steeped Pabna town on April 6 - to mourn with his family the demise of his long-time friend and Awami League veteran Amjad Hossain.

While leaving with other leaders on March 26, Boga Mia ordered his family to leave his ancestral house as well. Awami League leaders and their families were prime targets of Pak forces and their ever-growing force of local cohorts and traitors. Boga Mia's family was joined by Amjad's family in the search for new refuge in a land full of dangers.

However, the beginning was relatively easy as the two families managed assistance of a local well-wisher. By the time they reached this new abode they heard Pakistani army had located Boga Mia's house and set it on fire. The enemies had also tortured the house caretaker appointed by Boga Mia to gather information about him and his family before failing to learn anything.

It needs mentioning that among Boga Mia's five children four were daughters and the other one was a son. The eldest daughter had already been married off and lived outside Pabna. The second daughter was then studying at 11th or 12th grade and the next in line, the son, was a 10th grader. The last three siblings were closely followed daughters who were too young to reflect on the ominous events surrounding them.

With the expanding Pak troop movements the two families also kept up periodically increasing their distance from Boga Mia's house. Enemies went to that house once again this time to completely burn it to the ground.

As more conflict loomed the two families left the neighbouring areas on March 27. They went for a distant char area along the great river Padma only to be followed shortly by enemy air force bombardment. Then they went for Kashinathpur but the cat and mouse chase continued well into August when India seemed the only secure recluse.

After reaching Kashinathpur, Amjad Khan's family heard of a grave news. Their housemaker Amjad Khan had suffered a stroke while coordinating the liberation movement. Boga Mia's wife Jahanara Rob was also thrown at a loss as she knew what a benefactor Amjad was for her family apart from being a great political organiser.

Thus, this unforeseen turn of events would pave the way for the first meeting between Boga Mia and his family since he left them. He was on his way for Meherpur where the new independent government of Bangladesh would be sworn in some days later. But instead, he started off for Pabna from Kushtia - a tough and literally unthinkable decision for him as the time desperately needed him to reorganise a fledgling pro-independence group at the earliest on top of the glaring threats posed by enemy control of Pabna town.

But the dedication and earnest love for his fellow pioneers in the liberation movement and old political allies were too strong in him to set aside.

The choice of returning to Pabna town was none the less harder for Jahanara Rob as she had to get to the very spot she was fleeing from with her young children and another family. She was after all the worthy soulmate of Boga Mia and was possibly destined to be the one by heavenly forces. Being well aware of her empathy and mettle, Boga Mia depended on her throughout the war to look after others without much hesitation.

The journey back again tested her courage when a road accident wounded her and one of her youngest daughters. But she moved along with confidence and commitment towards a noble family friend.

However, by the time she and Amjad Hossain's family reached the hospital the veteran leader had already breathed his last. It was April 6, and the grievous day strikingly marked the rare occasion when Boga Mia could share the feelings of his family.

Boga Mia's family next moved to Obhirampur. The household was cordial but Boga Mia's family and the family of Amjad Hossain always tried to pay for their own daily expenses and not put strains on any of their patrons during their long arduous Liberation War days.

The trouble they put on others by occupying place in different houses were already making the group embarrassed. On top of this there were growing security threats the big group posed.

With the growing number of Freedom Fighters, the number of unsuspecting enemy spies were also increasing making the cooperative journey of the two families - both having deep connections with the Awami League central command - increasingly difficult. Eventually, they had to part their ways.

The first path as a single family was all the more difficult and probably the most memorable for Boga Mia's dearest ones. They had to cross a distance of nearly 20 miles. Ladies rode on an ox-driven cart while the 10th grader - now the only man of the house - had to prefer walking.

Then, with a harrowing river cruise, the journey would put a lasting mark on the minds of the adults in the group. During the long watercourse they witnessed arrays of corpses lying along the banks with bees and crows exploring them indiscriminately.

Their destination was a remote village named Baruhash in Rajshahi. It was the house of the in-laws of one of Boga Mia's brothers who himself lived in Rangpur. It was a huge house like the ones of the zamindars - feudal lords in medieval Indian sub-continent. In Rajshahi, Jahanara Rob found one of the few sumptuous accommodation during the war. However, the lady of the house used to be too busy with her own comfort which made her beneficiaries feel awkward and ignored.

The family of famed British Indian politician Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish also sought refuge there, as the veteran had played a role against Pakistani discrimination of Bangalees.

But the remote area was also spotted by enemy forces and then they had to move to the next village across a relatively shallow but strong river. One of Boga Mia's youngest daughters even got lost during the chaotic river journey on foot.

After finally finding her, Jahanara Rob and her children took refuge in a Bogura village. From there Boga Mia's brother took them to his own house in Rangpur city. Due to security concerns in the urban area, this brother of Boga Mia arranged for a trip to Dhaka, where Jahanara Rob and Boga Mia had many acquaintances.

Boga Mia's brother had surprisingly managed a car belonging to East Pakistan Governor Abdul Monem Khan's son-in-law to avoid enemy suspicions along the way. The family finally reached Dhaka but enemy eyes were always around. This would lead them to their next mission to India. But due to grave ordeals, the group would find success only in their second attempt into India in August.

Running independent government and hoisting flag

After the battle of two days, Pabna had become temporarily free of enemies. People were jubilant. At this juncture of time key leaders took a daring decision ¬- to officially launch formal activities under the auspices of the independent government of Bangladesh. It is notable that the Mujibnagar government was yet to take oath.

In the beginning of April leaders met at a house near the Pabna officers' club. There was no formal government in the soon-to-be independent Bangladesh at the time. But ever since Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for non-cooperation movement against West Pakistani establishment on March 3, everything in the de-facto Bangladesh was dictated by the supreme Awami League leader.

Pabna's leaders thought that now they were also fighting to establish the Bangladesh that Sheikh Mujib was dreaming of while overthrowing Pak regime.

A rubber stamp was issued under the authority of independent Bangladesh, and financial institutions that were shut in accordance with Bangabandhu's March 7 orders were reopened.

The most significant moment came when Boga Mia hoisted the new national flag on April 4 in front of the court building. Hundreds of people gathered to witness the historic moment. Twelve rounds were fired to honour the event, and the national anthem was sung by the people.

Preparing for the worst

Uncertainties were still looming large because independent Pabna was cut off from Rajshahi and Dhaka. Flow of goods and money had stalled. There were also fears of Pakistani revenge.

So, to ride out the crisis a nine-member committee was formed where Boga Mia assumed the role of what would be an adviser-cum-organiser.

Subsequently things got worse as feared. To retake the town Pak military dared not send ground troops. Instead they started shelling, which was unavoidable and resulted in innumerable civilian casualties. Officials and leaders of the new government had to flee. One group including Boga Mia and Noorul Quader headed for Chuadanga to gather reinforcements.

On their way, in Ishwardi, they stopped by a cargo train containing huge amount of rice. Sensing their significance, the duo decided to take it with them to Chuadanga. It might be added that they were forced to flaunt firearms as the train's Pakistani captain and his Bangalee assistant had refused comply initially.

Boga Mia and Noorul Quader were hoping to handover the huge food supply to Bangalee resistance forces in Chuadanga and return in the same train with weapons.

But they were met with disappointment. Chuadanga itself was nervous against Pak attacks and heaping up whatever possible before a big blow. Helpless a smaller team headed back to Pabna. They entered through Bheramera, a Pabna sub-district that was yet to be overtaken by enemy troops. There they saw a local union parishad chairman training some youths. Noorul and Boga Mia asked for some volunteers. At first the chairman seemed unwavering, given the shortage he might face when defending Bheramara.

He relented only after he was advised that protection of Pabna district would also mean protection of Bheramera. The team booked a contingent of 50 freshly minted troops upon completion of their training.

Noorul managed to book another 50-60 men. These were regular troops from Natore under Pakistan military's eastern wing. However, the captain in Shantahar, Bogura had revolted against the high-command and was willing to help when Noorul asked for some over the telephone.

Unfortunately, Boga Mia and Noorul Quader failed to mount the counterattack they had planned for Pabna. Too many Pak forces including some Bangalee cohorts had already entered the district supported by artillery fire. Many died in the shelling, before Pak forces entered villages to kill unarmed civilians en masse. Children also were martyred by barbaric bayonet blows.

The surviving Bangalee irregular soldiers had to leave Pabna, and with them Boga Mia again had to return to Chuadanga. Chuadanga at that time was listing new troops every now and then including regular soldiers from the revolting East Pakistan Regiment and police.

Urging for establishment of central government

However, the growing number of Freedom Fighters was still far short of the strength of Pakistani military. Despite successes in unconventional fights, a full-blown confrontation would have certainly brough about defeat along with huge casualties. Retreat from Pabna had highlighted this fact.

Top leaders including Boga Mia and Noorul Quader realised this. Thus, they became arguably among the first leaders to demand a formal government. The rationale went like this - a formal government can vouch for the independence of a nation and for the security of its newly enlisted troops under the Geneva Convention.

But at that moment only central Awami League leaders were in a position to form a government. Leaders among the troops were few and mostly unknown to general mass, not to mention the entire world.

In the night of April 9, as per consultation with Boga Mia and others, Noorul Quader had called Tajuddin Ahmed asking him to form government. But, Tajuddin had to suspend the aspirations temporarily.

The decision was pragmatic. Most Awami League leaders of the time were either absconding or scattered across West Bengal in India. However, Noorul had to plead for a government within 24 hours, as Boga Mia and others in Chuadanga were fearing an imminent Pakistani attack.

Partially as result of the urgency made by Boga Mia, Noorul Quader and others, the first government of Bangladesh was formed the next day on April 10. The announcement was broadcast over the radio in the night, but most people at that time did not have the privilege to listen to a radio.

Only a few leaders like Boga Mia, as well as, the troops connected to him learned about the government. Nevertheless, it sent a wave of jubilations among the listeners. The next day a meeting was held to spread the news in the locality in Chuadanga. The headquarters of the de-facto regional authority had already been shifted to Meherpur to avoid fallout from a possible Pakistani attack and the news reached there as well.

(The regional authority was headed by Boga Mia, Noorul Quader, Heba Doctor, Towfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury, among others.)

According to the meeting in Chuadanga, leaders hoisted the national flag and started formal activities under the name of the newly formed government of Bangladesh. Banking, postal, judicial activities all started under the name of the Tajuddin Ahmed-led government.

The leaders then decided to organise their few thousand troops. A military person, and a police officer who fled Jhenidah were assigned with the task of properly training the enthusiastic youth. Leaders wanted to line up more young patriots. Through miking in different upazilas villagers were asked to send eager youths to join the training and serve the newest country.

Three more experts became handy for the military education. All of the three were military officials, who had taken cover in nearby villages fearing Pakistani onslaught.

The government-in-exile suddenly fixed April 17 as the date for its inauguration. Boga Mia and Co assumed the responsibility of selecting a safe venue for the ceremony, organising and securing it. Bodyanathtala in Meherpur was selected as the ideal spot. After the event declared Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as president of the new country, Bodyanathtala became Mujibnagar.

Awami League Chief Whip Professor Yousuf Ali read out the Declaration of Independence at the event. But, the true success of the event must be attributed to Boga Mia and his team for their role behind-the-scene.

Needed across the border

Noorul Quader had played a major role in conflicts with Pakistan. He also assisted the security planning for inauguration ceremony. Thus, Tajuddin Ahmed asked him to go to Calcutta (now Kolkata) and help Awami League and Indian leaders there on planning-related issues. Boga Mia was also a key member of the group headed for India.

The huge number of troops also had to leave for India, as Captain Mansur Ali - finance minister of the government - had asked for proper clarification on troop numbers and the weapons they held. The large number of arms held by the group led by Noorul Quader, Boga Mia and others had raised eyebrows at the central command, especially since the war had only started by then and much of Pak barbarism was yet to be unleashed.

The large group went past the border after crossing a small river. Then they had to cross 24 miles to go to Krishnanagar town in West Bengal. Thankfully Noorul Quader had brought his jeep. But the path was too long, unfamiliar and overall exhausting. Furthermore, the prospects of leaving country to enemies only for clarification of identity had made many depressed. Almost everyone shed tears along the way.

After reaching the Krishnanagar town in India, Boga Mia and Noorul Quader met the district commissioner there. They were then taken to the rest house. There they also met the record-making swimmer Brojen Das.

Despite the relatively increased lavishness in the rest house, however, both Boga Mia and Noorul Quader could hardly sleep at night. They were tensed about the well-being of their fellow fighters.

The very next morning they asked officials to let them meet the predominantly village soldiers. They were informed that the youth-dominated force was kept in a refugee camp. Boga Mia and his compatriot became dumfounded.

They could not fathom that the people who toil in the soil to feed a country, people who forsook all that to protect that very motherland would have to be treated like refugees unable to do anything for their country.

When they reached the camps, they found the Freedom Fighters naturally heart-broken. The fighters could not bear to leave their country in grave danger, while they enjoy safe recluse. Staying in the country was dangerous for them as well. As already stated, Pak forces were obviously far better organised and equipped than the young unconventional force. Continued confrontation would have resulted in quick decimation.

However, to the mostly young soldiers, dying was better than living like feeble refugees.

Seeing their old leaders, they pleaded to return to the battlefields. The two leaders became even more worried. They too were depressed. They could not find words to console the unconventional troops. Returning was suicidal - they had to believe this as well.

Boga Mia and Noorul Quader decided to compose themselves, otherwise pacifying the troops would have been difficult. They told the troops that they would get back their arms after they are properly accounted for. That would take around two more days. They urged patience.

Still the youth wanted the two leaders to stay with them. They particularly asked for the company of Noorul Quader, who had fought with them shoulder-to-shoulder in almost every battle starting from Pabna.

The government directive was for everyone to hold their positions. This message also needed to be delivered in an acceptable manner, as both Boga Mia and Noorul Quader had to leave for Calcutta shortly. They could not stay with their fellow troops.

Brojen Das went with them to reach Calcutta at 9pm. He also arranged for spending the night in a house there. At a room around 18 people had to stay. They crowdfunded their meals. The accumulated cash was kept under Boga Mia's custody.

The two leaders finally got to meet the central government. The ministers were hosted in a highly secured and confidential location at Sinha Road. Brojen Das was the one who managed to track them down.

There Noorul Quader presented the demands of young soldiers before Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed. Noorul realised that realties were starker than he thought. Tajuddin with his patient and sensible words laid out the facts for avoiding such ideas at all cost.

Nearly ten million people had crossed the border into India at that time to avoid Pakistani persecution. People were pouring in from almost every stretch of the long Indian border surrounding almost the entire Bangladesh.

The young soldiers had no weapon worthy of mention either. The situation of ration and other supplies was unthinkable at that time. There was no proper coordination within the government itself. A proper administrative framework was badly needed but yet to be formed. Most importantly not only the people were seeking refuge across the border, but the government itself was in exile.

Thus, in this scenario, allowing thousands of freshly minted and ill-trained soldiers to return to enemy lines was not possible, Tajuddin tried to elucidate. Realising the facts Noorul Quader dropped his pleas.

Thereafter, a comprehensive administrative and governing body was formed, where Boga Mia and Noorul Quader would play some decisive roles. During his administrative duties Boga Mia also got to meet his family again. As the family had finally managed to enter India eluding Pakistani forces, Boga Mia could finally meet them with ease and leave them is safe hands.

A safe reunion

After reaching Dhaka from the house of Boga Mia's brother in Rangpur, his family finally received a proposal to live in a safe recluse - in India. An intimate friend of Boga Mia engineer Kazi Rashid alias Minto was the brains behind the daring mission. He had assisted many other struggling families to cross the border during the war.

This time, Rashid himself joined the journey with his family and a number of other struggling households including those of poet Hafizur Rahman and Professor of Bangla Dr Mohammad Moniruzzaman. A number of boats were used in the mission. But the trip also involved a river journey amid heavy storm, which even separated the group from Kazi Rashid's boat for days.

Rashid's family was another boat with others. Due to fierce fighting along the border and sudden disappearance of the trip's pioneer, the daring path into India had to be aborted right at the border area of Kasaba in Cumilla. The asylum seekers found refuge in a nearby house owned by a relative of poet Hafizur Rahman.

Boga Mia's son and his third child had to wait along the shores with other young men for any sign of Kazi Rashid and those in his boat. After ten days they gave up to join the group. Subsequently, Kazi Rashid managed to find them in the village by himself and took them back to Dhaka.

In August he cooked up another route, this time in a completely opposite direction. Kazi Rashid led Boga Mia's family westward towards the Indian border in Jessore district. While entering Jessore they were even about to trip over General Niazi, the top Pakistani military leader entrusted to teach the Bangalees a lesson. He was staying at the Jessore circuit house when the car carrying Boga Mia's family neared Jessore.

They stopped moving ahead until Niazi left Jessore. His presence at the circuit house had provided Jahanara Rob and her children an opportunity to savour some unique delicacy there.

After taking some rest they resumed their journey but had to change course in the middle due to poor road conditions. Finally, they entered India through Satkhira. After duping Pak chekcposts, there they had even encountered the Freedom Fighters who had to be assured after much trouble that the passengers of the care were not with the enemy.

In India, Jahanara Rob found shelter in a flat at Kolkata's Ashutosh Ghosh road. There also lived the family of Captain Mansur Ali, the finance minister of the Bangladesh government in-exile. In the neighbourhood there were also families of other key members of the cabinet including Tajuddin Ahmed, Syed Nazrul Islam, Muhammad Qamaruzzaman and the controversial Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad.

Thus, Boga Mia could finally rest assured that his wife and children are safe and he could meet them with relative ease. But hefty workload prevented him from reuniting with Jahanara Rob and the children anytime soon. In mid-September, the fateful event came. Boga Mia met his dearest ones and even arranged a new accommodation for them in Kolkata.

A place in the administrative government

Thereafter, a comprehensive administrative and governing body was formed. Remarkably, practice of democratic values and local governance was also included within the framework. To this end, 11 zonal administrative councils were formed. The zones covered the entire area of would-be Bangladesh.

The border area closest to a designated zone in the de-facto Bangladesh was assigned as the functioning area for that zone. Refugees or people taken across border were shifted to the areas that corresponded to the zones they originally inhabited. More precisely, people lived in areas that were nearest to their original homes.

Local lawmakers from a zone were selected to govern those zones. In effect, they governed over the Bangladeshi asylum seekers in the Indian areas that corresponded to their respective zones.

Under these zonal councils were youth camps - the branch of irregular Freedom Fighters. The branch played arguably the most important role in the front lines as it recruited the highest number of troops. Though regular troops played a big role in the Liberation War, the contribution of peasant soldiers far exceeds that.

Though official documents say there were 59 youth camps, Noorul Quader recalls there were as many as 106 - the rest being formed later into the war.

Boga Mia was entrusted with the camp in Kechudanga in Chabbis Paragana, West Bengal. He like all other youth camp managers, was provided with a conventional military man either from Bangladesh or India to train the recruits. Government officials and political leaders also assisted the lawmakers in the youth camps in administrative works.

Advocate Amjad Hossain mentions in his Liberation War memoir that Boga Mia also operated in "Jalangi" area in Murshidabad with the youths from Pabna. The lawyer had come to look for Boga Mia among other key organisers including Noorul Quader, Khondoker Asaduzzaman at the office at Theatre Road for coordinating purposes.

The writer is an art critic, cultural curator, and a biographer of Abdur Rob Boga Mia.